Samuel Goold was born in 1820 in Norton Lindsay, Warwickshire, England, the son of William Goold, variously described as a miller[1] or a grocer,[2] and his wife Elizabeth Canning. Samuel was their fifth son of nine children. Two of his brothers, John and Jabez, also came to the colony of NSW at some stage.[3] In 1847, Samuel married Mary Ann Johnson at the Tottenham Baptist Chapel and his profession was given as ‘Missionary’.[4] Mary Ann was the daughter of Philip Johnson, a shoemaker, and his wife Mary and was born in 1819 at the workhouse of St Botolph, Aldgate, London.[5] At the age of 13 she became a member of the Congregational Church, worshipping in the Poultry Chapel, London, then under the care of the Rev John Clayton Jnr (1780-1865).[6]

Arrival in the colony of New South Wales

Together with Mary Ann’s mother and sister, Samuel arrived in Queensland in January 1849 aboard the Fortitude, Rev Dr John Dunmore Lang’s first chartered immigrant ship. Samuel had been an apprentice and was probably an apprentice draper,[7] but his profession on the shipping lists was given as ‘bricklayer’.[8] It has been suggested that he helped build the Roman Catholic Chapel in Elizabeth Street, Brisbane,[9] but this cannot be possible as the Fortitude arrived in Morton Bay on 21 January 1849, and its passengers were quarantined as there were cases of typhus on board. The first mention of ‘Mr Gould, the builder’ in connection with the Roman Catholic Chapel, is on 31 January 1849 while Samuel Goold was still in quarantine.[10]

Sydney bound

Samuel and his wife did not remain in Brisbane but travelled to Sydney in September 1849.[11] It is not known if their departure was a result of disillusionment with the unfulfilled promises of Lang concerning the provision of land for the immigrants or whether it was related to the death of their infant son, Samuel, which occurred a few weeks before.[12] In Sydney, however, they wasted no time linking with the Congregational Church for Samuel, as a former London City Missionary, was appointed a City Missionary of the Congregational Church, Pitt Street, in October 1849.[13] In this role he was to endeavour to ‘spread the knowledge of the Gospel among the destitute, and ignorant, and depraved inhabitants of its lanes, and alleys, and crowded courts.’[14] His time in the work was short and he resigned in March 1852 as his health, which was never strong and was the reason he came to the colony, was not sufficiently robust to cope with the arduous task of being a City Missionary.[15] It was not just this arduous work that caused his resignation for this work was in addition to his role as a book seller through the Depositary for the Bible Society and the Book and Tract Depot.[16] This dual role seems to have commenced in December 1850 or early January 1851.[17]

Bible Society and the Australian Religious Tract Society

The ‘depositary’ (shop manager) for the Bible Society, James Hayward (1770-1850) a former missionary to Tahiti,[18] had been ill for some time forcing the closure of the Depot and eventually, Hayward died in 1850. It was decided to move the Bible Society and the Australian Religious Tract Society to jointly leased premises on the corner of Pitt and King streets[19] and to appoint Samuel as the new ‘depositary’. It is probably through his connections with the Pitt Street Congregational Church that this work came to him as the Pitt Street Church members were heavily involved on the governance committees of both societies. These members were the Rev Dr Robert Ross (Minister of Pitt St Congregational Church), James Comrie (secretary of both societies), Rev Joseph Beazley (brother-in-law of Comrie), John Fairfax, G Rees, G A Lloyd and Ambrose Foss.[20]

By August 1854, Goold was looking to quit the position of managing the Depositary of these societies[21] and to set up his own business as a bookseller and stationer in a shop at 73 Pitt Street around the corner from the Depositary.[22] It seems this new arrangement did not go so well for either of the Societies nor perhaps for Samuel. The newly appointed depositor became seriously unwell and needed to be replaced and the committee indicated they would lose no time in finding a capable replacement.[23] By April 1855, Samuel had sold the business and returned to the Depositary[24] perhaps because his business was unsuccessful or in response to the pleas of the committee. By September 1859 Samuel, having again resigned his charge of the Depositary[25] and that of the Bible Society at the end of August,[26] once more began his own business of book selling and stationery having taken over the lease on the corner of Pitt and King Street from the societies. He indicated he would continue to sell the publications stocked by the Bible and Tract Societies, but each society would also distribute their books and tracts from their own shop in Pitt Street between Market and Park Streets.[27] Around this time in 1860, Goold also gained the right to sell NSW Government publications.[28]

Death of his first wife and remarriage

In 1864, Goold rented a house in Windsor[29] most probably because his wife Mary Ann was ill with consumption that would take her life in 1866,[30] and her chronic sickness probably prompted him to consider retirement.[31] In March 1865, he sold off his stock at greatly reduced prices with the intention of going out of business[32] and retired with what was described as a ‘modest competency’.[33] Goold must have been financially secure for he stood for parliament in 1869 and was opposed to the payment of members of the Legislative Assembly.[34] His designation from 1867 onwards is ‘gentleman’ indicating that he was living off his assets and investments.[35] It is difficult to see how he was able to achieve this, however, as the bookselling business was not particularly profitable.

In June 1866 and aged 47, Mary Ann Goold died and in the following month Samuel returned from Windsor to resume his life in Sydney.[36] Just over 12 months later, in July 1867, Samuel married Patilina Morris nee Burgess[37] who was the widow of John Morris, the Official Assignee. As Morris’ funeral was conducted from the Bourke Street Congregation Church, it is most likely that it is in this setting that Samuel came to know John and his wife.[38] Samuel and Patilina initially lived in the Morris home Tudor Villa, Ocean Street, Woollahra. The property was substantial and appears to have been in excess of their needs for they sought to rent out the house and moved to Rialto Terrace, Darlinghurst, which was described as having beautiful views of the harbour.[39] This attempt to rent Tudor Villa was unsuccessful and the couple returned to the Ocean Street property where they lived for several years until 1875 when the house was sold.[40] They purchased Broad Oaks, Rydalmere, perhaps from the sale of the Ocean Street property, and moved there to live.[41]

 

 

Broad Oaks

Broad Oaks was situated overlooking the Parramatta River which was a fruit growing area, and here Samuel lived the life of a gentleman on his property which had a nursery and orchard no doubt run by a manager/gardener, nurseryman and orchardist.[42] In 1879, his daughter married Charles Mills an orchardist who owned an adjacent property.[43]

In 1881, tenders were being called for quarrying to take place at Broad Oaks in what appeared to be preliminary work prior to erecting a building.[44] Five years later, in April of 1886, tenders were called for the erection of ‘a first class Villa Residence, at Broad Oaks, near Parramatta for S. Goold esq’ and this property was named ‘Windermere’.[45]

In September 1886, with the exclusion of Goold’s residence ‘Windermere’, the family home and its grounds on Broad Oaks were up for sale with the option of the purchase of the surrounding acreage. In the sales pitch, it was described as

A fine family residence, looking down from the brow of the hill, where it is built on that charming Panoramic View of Forest and River, Hill and Valley, bounded in the far East by the City of Sydney and its Eastern suburbs. The site of Broad Oaks was selected and the fine old roomy stone house erected by the late Commissary Bowerman when the first settled portion of the country in the colony’s early days was held by a few of the Gentlemen of the English County Families who resided within a day or two’s drive of Sydney, and built their country seats in imitation of the old family residences at home, and to this day few of the modern houses can compare with these faithfully-built and comfortable houses.[46]

No sale was made despite this glowing appeal to own a home reflecting the values of English county families. In October 1886, a further attempt was made to sell Broad Oaks[47] and the surrounding area which had been subdivided for sale. It is not known if Goold organised this,[48] but the auctioneers were a firm whose partner was a brother of Samuel’s son-in-law Charles Mills.[49] This sale and subdivision was also unsuccessful. In 1889, the villa ‘Windermere’ was on the market to be sold at auction.[50] This sale was also unsuccessful. It appears that in the period September 1886 to August 1889 Samuel was seeking to improve his financial situation through selling his properties, but he was, unsuccessful in selling either Broad Oaks[51] or ‘Windermere’, his own residence.[52]

Bankruptcy

In April 1889, Samuel’s brother Jabez, whom Samuel had assisted financially to the extent of over a £1000 in the previous two years, was declared bankrupt.[53] Samuel himself was in financial difficulty and was being pursued by creditors and in September 1889 was also declared bankrupt.[54] By January 1890, Samuel was applying for a certificate of discharge[55] which was not granted as the judge ruled that Samuel had contracted with various creditors ‘certain debts without having at the time of contracting them any reasonable or probable ground or expectation of being able to pay them’;[56] the issue of a certificate was suspended for a further twelve months. In May 1890, he was successfully disputing in the Dundas Appeal Court the rates on his property,[57] and by 1891 he was no longer the owner of Windermere but merely the occupier.[58] By March 1893 Samuel’s property, Broad Oaks, described as ‘the Bankrupt Estate of Samuel Goold’, was sold.[59]

The details of how Samuel got into financial difficulty are disputed. One report said ‘he was carried away by the boom wave of land speculation’ while another said his ‘misfortunes may be dated from the time he consented to become guarantee for a friend, and when the bank suspensions came on he lost all.’[60] The latter explanation is closest to the truth. Samuel had stood guarantor for both his brother Jabez and sister-in-law Rose to cover debts incurred in their drapery and millinery businesses. The assets held by Jabez and Rose, upon which Samuel had based his support, proved to be almost worthless and Samuel did not have sufficient liquidity to cover the debts and so he joined them in bankruptcy.[61] There is no evidence that land speculation played a part in this situation. It seems his directorship of the Hand-in-Hand Permanent Investment and Building Society, formed in 1887 with Robert W J Harley as manager, was also not a material cause.[62] In April 1889, months before Samuel’s public financial difficulties were known, he stepped down as a director and was appointed a Trustee of the company.[63] This move seems to be in response to his difficulties rather than a cause of them, as a bankrupt director would not be good public relations. The Society continued to do very well until 1893 and was wound up in 1894 which post-dated Samuel’s bankruptcy.[64]

After Samuel’s bankruptcy, he lived with his daughter and son-in-law who had moved to Parramatta to run a guest house,[65] but he did not go with them when they moved to Western Australia.[66] He later became destitute and was admitted to the Rookwood Asylum where he died in 1899.[67] Somewhat unfairly, his death was used by the Truth newspaper[68] to castigate the wealthy and prominent members of the Congregational Church for their lack of support for Samuel by allowing him to end his days in a state asylum for paupers. It was reported under the heading of a quotation from Thomas Hood (1799-1845),[69] ‘O for the rarity of Christian charity, Under the sun’, and it was also argued that Samuel’s misfortune and ultimate death were an illustration of the need for a scheme for Old Age pensions.[70] The newspaper published locally to where Samuel lived, The Cumberland Argus, had a more intimate knowledge of his circumstances. It pointed to what the members of the Congregational Church, through his former pastor and family friend Rev H Gainford,[71] had done to help him and make his life more comfortable.[72]

Congregational Church

In 1849, Samuel began a relationship with the Congregational Church in Sydney through his appointment as a City Missionary of the Congregational Church, Pitt Street. This membership of and involvement with Congregational Churches extended beyond his resignation from that position in 1852 and continued for his whole colonial life. It began with his membership of Pitt Street (1852-1856), then successively Bourke Street (1857-1868),[73] Woollahra (Point Piper Road)[74] (1868-1875) and Parramatta Congregational Churches (1875-1899).[75] Commencing with the first General Assembly of the Congregation Union of New South Wales in 1866 Samuel represented, in various years, each of the congregations of which he was a member.[76]

He served as Treasurer of the Bourke Street Congregational Sabbath School at least in 1862-1863.[77] There were 350 students connected with the school and there was a weekly attendance of 174 on Sunday morning and 238 on Sunday afternoon with some 38 teachers and a library of 400 volumes with an average weekly issue of 65 books. Rev Thomas Johnson was the minister[78] and served some 22 years as the pastor.[79] Goold became a deacon of this church in 1862[80] and it seems likely, given he represented all his congregations at the Annual Meeting of the Congregation Union, that he was a deacon in each of the churches he attended.

In his annual report of 1862 for the Bourke Street Congregational Church, Deacon Samuel Goold said:

Looking at the past we are devoutly thankful; looking at the present, we are hopeful; looking into the future, we are confident. ‘The Lord of hosts is with us, the God of Jacob is our refuge’. Let us be but reliant upon God, and true to ourselves; let us have faith in Christian work, in self-helpfulness, in united co-operation and prayer, and we have everything to hope. Let us go forward in the spirit of humble hearty confidence in God, and in one another, and success will crown our efforts.[81]

In 1870, Samuel was present at a meeting to inaugurate the Congregational Church in Parramatta which he joined when moving into the area,[82] and he served as the treasurer of the Sunday school.[83] He was also a Trustee of land set aside at Parramatta as a Congregational burial ground.[84] Samuel’s Christian concerns in the Parramatta area extended beyond Congregationalism for he also commenced a Sunday School in the Town Hall at Rydalmere in 1891, conducted on purely unsectarian principles and unconnected with any Church.[85]

In 1888, the Goolds called friends together to celebrate Samuel’s ‘jubilee in connection with the Christian Church,’[86] indicating that he began this connection in 1838 at 18 years of age. As the celebration was of his connection with the ‘Christian Church’ in general and not the ‘Congregational Church’ in particular it would seem that his early years were spent with another denomination. His marriage in the Baptist Church in Tottenham is suggestive that his early Christian connection was with the Baptist Church. While in Australia, however, Samuel was only ever connected to the Congregational Church, a commitment which commenced in 1849 and which he maintained for the 50 years he lived in the colony of NSW.

State Aid to Religion

In 1862, Samuel was appointed to a committee to watch over and act upon the question of the Abolition of State Aid to Religion,[87] to comment on the Cowper Government’s proposed legislation on The Church and School Lands Bill and to also comment on a Bill to abolish Grants for the Support of Religion.

The committee’s petition to the Legislative Assembly of NSW Parliament dated July 7, 1862, said

That the appropriation of the property of the State for the maintenance of religion is, in the opinion of many of your petitioners, inconsistent with the proper functions of the Legislature, injurious to religion itself, and an inevitable source of discord among the people; and as, furthermore, all your petitioners are agreed that the existing application of such property in this colony necessarily inflicts injustice upon those who support their own religious system, by compelling them to support those also of others, in which they have neither faith nor advantage, it is imperative, for social peace, for religious freedom, and for healthy legislation, that such uses of State property should cease …[88]

Goold’s support was seen not only in his committee membership but in his active solicitation of support for the petition by displaying it at his shop to encourage persons to sign it.

Temperance

Goold was a strong supporter of, and advocate for, the temperance movement in NSW. His first involvement with the movement was in 1857 when he was authorised to receive funds to construct a Temperance Hall organised by the New South Wales Alliance for the Suppression of Intemperance.[89] He also chaired various Alliance teetotal meetings[90] where speakers addressed the meeting in favour of the principles of total abstinence.[91] He spoke on the issue himself addressing the Sydney Bethel Union Total Abstinence Society in 1861.[92] His work at the bookshop also supported his temperance advocacy through the sale of temperance literature such as the Ipswich Temperance Tracts, Scottish Temperance League and Ipswich Juvenile Temperance Books.[93]

Samuel became deeply involved in temperance issues when he was appointed honorary secretary of the Political Association for the Suppression of Intemperance (PASI) in 1866,[94] a position he retained until 1872 when the organisation ceased to function.[95] The objects of PASI were the radical reform of liquor licensing laws and the promotion of a local option where if, in a given area, two thirds of the male adult population were in favour of prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors then a license would not be granted.[96]

Goold was a very active secretary and at a meeting he said

That this meeting views with alarm the intemperance prevalent in this colony; and traces much of the crime, insanity, immorality, and domestic misery that abounds to the drinking customs of society, and the facilities by which these customs are encouraged.[97]

In his role as Secretary of the PASI he was part of a delegation to Martin (Attorney-General) and Parkes (Colonial Secretary) complaining about defects in the liquor licensing system with regard to dancing saloons. Goold referred to cases before the Magistrates which, in his view and those of the magistrates, showed the dancing saloons to be evil and should not be permitted to exist.[98] Goold also travelled to various NSW country districts to promote the PASI cause and in the Hunter Valley he encouraged the formation of local branches. He said that the association was ‘not a teetotal society’ and while not disparaging those of that persuasion, they sought to gain better success in the work to suppress intemperance by political agitation and change on a broader platform.[99]

The PASI sought to raise community awareness about the seriousness of the issue of intemperance and, with Goold as secretary of the events, they held conferences on the ‘Prevailing Intemperance and the Licensing System’,[100] and a Grand Temperance Demonstration was held in the presence of the Duke of Edinburgh.[101] They were supportive of the Californian temperance evangelist, the Rev William Taylor,[102] in his visit to NSW and arranged meetings for him to deliver lectures on the subject in August 1869.[103] Taylor, ‘in animated and striking terms, dwelt upon the evils of intemperance, and proved himself the earnest advocate of an unyielding abstinence from all intoxicating drinks.’ While

he insisted strongly upon the influence of moral suasion by the force of mere example, but he claimed for the benefit of the entire community that proper legal restraints should be provided for the lowest class of minds and for those who were enslaved by drink.[104]

He was, no doubt to the delight of PASI, also strongly supportive of some form of Permissive Liquor Law.[105]

In a Letter to the Editor, Goold explained the nature of legislation on liquor licensing and the Permissive Bill before the House of Commons in the UK[106] which was the sort of legislation PASI desired to see enacted in NSW. In 1872, he read a paper to a Temperance Conference in Sydney entitled ‘the Legislative History of the Liquor Traffic’[107] and was appointed to a committee to seek to organise a reformatory for inebriates of which Joseph Paxton was the secretary.[108] The reformatory was never commenced. He wrote letters to the Editor on the dangers of the sale of liquor to the public (including railway employees) at railway stations[109] and on the desirability of the closing of public-houses on a Sunday.[110]

From 1870-1871, Samuel was also an active member of the Sons of Temperance (Australasian Division No. 126) which was part of a ‘teetotal and benefit society’[111]  being at some stage ‘Samuel Goold WP’ [Worthy Patriarch (President)].[112] After 1873, however, with the defeat of Joseph Wearne’s ‘Permissive Bill’ which had four times been submitted to Parliament,[113] his active political involvement in temperance organisations seems to have ceased.[114] He was, however, strongly opposed to the government’s plan to allow the sale of alcohol on railway stations and chaired a public protest meeting saying that ‘Security to life and property would go if the sale of liquors was permitted’.[115] Samuel did continue to maintain an interest in temperance and as late as 1890 chaired a session of the Rev L M Isitt’s temperance mission in the Protestant Hall where Isitt spoke on ‘Drink and Labour’.[116] It was said of Samuel that ‘We all know that he has been, and is, honoured by every class of people for his noble action in the cause of Temperance.’[117]

Politics

Samuel stood for election for the colonial parliament in the electorate of Shoalhaven in 1869 and in West Sydney in 1872 and he was not elected either time.[118] At Shoalhaven, his opponent polled 634 votes and Samuel 530.[119] In West Sydney, where he was the nominee of Henry Parkes, he was completely outvoted polling a mere handful of votes compared to those elected.[120] This ended Samuel’s attempts at election to the NSW Parliament.

He was a vice-president of the Central Cumberland Free Trade Association[121] and so politically was in favour of free trade. At the 1869 election he was, among other things, in favour of a smaller and cheaper public service, and opposed to direct taxation, and land taxation in particular, favouring the retention of customs duties instead. Samuel was also opposed to the government’s assisted immigration system[122] which he said favoured one group over another and he was in favour of maintaining the then current education system, opposing a purely secular system. He ‘pledged himself to oppose any measure introduced for the payment of members, as it would open the door to the worst kind of corruption’.[123]

Samuel was also involved in local government politics and was, prior to coming to Dundas, an Auditor of the Woollahra Borough from 1870-1873.[124] At Dundas he was instrumental in the setting up of the municipality of Dundas,[125] but his financial problems in 1889 looked as though they would preclude him from participating in the election of the council. This was regarded with regret as it was said he had ‘been one of the prime movers in the work of getting the district incorporated, and generally he was regarded as the first Mayor’.[126] At the May 1889 election, however, he sought to be elected to the Borough of Dundas.[127] At a meeting of the Dundas Progress Association of which Samuel was president and his son-in-law Charles Mills the Secretary, the ‘bunching’ of candidates was discussed and the meeting was clearly not in favour of such a procedure which tied candidates together so that electors would vote for a block of candidates rather than individuals. The newspaper reporting the meeting, quite erroneously as it turned out, considered that ‘as there seemed to be so much good feeling and harmony in the district the coming election ought to be decided on the personal merits of each candidate.’[128]

Neither Goold nor his son-in-law was elected. Indeed, Goold polled poorly gaining only 58 votes with the lowest number of votes being 72 for an elected member.[129] He was clearly unhappy with the result, and with the way in which the winning candidates had behaved, for he was reported as saying:

There had been a system of deception, trickery, and treachery practised which should not obtain in persons aspiring to the position of alderman.They had been assured that there was no bunching on the other side and that they were going to vote for the best nine men, but the public would not believe it. He was satisfied that an injury was done to the district by the election which had taken place. No one could deny that there had not been underhanded work. He knew who was at the bottom of all the deceit, and he knew the motive that prompted that person to get all his nominees into Council. Those defeated had done more for the district that those who were returned.[130]

Samuel remained interested and involved in political issues and was a supporter of the franchise for women. The movement was gaining momentum in the mid-1890s when Samuel, as president of the Parramatta YMCA, attended the 1895 anniversary meeting of the Parramatta Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Lady Windeyer spoke on women’s franchise and, in an argument in its favour that would have resonated with Goold, she pointed to ‘Christ’s treatment of the woman of Samaria, as showing the comprehensions of his Gospel, which knew neither race nor sex’.[131] In the following year at a meeting in Parramatta, it was moved by Samuel Goold and seconded by Rev H Gainford

That the Hon G H Reid, Premier of NSW be respectfully, but earnestly, asked to so arrange public business for the next session of Parliament, as that a bill giving to the women of the colony the right to vote at Parliamentary elections may during that session be passed into law.[132]

YMCA Formation and Support

Samuel was a significant figure in the formation of the YMCA in Sydney though he did not appear to be actively involved for a long period of time. In 1894, he reminisced that

In 1853 he had had many conversations with Mr John Mills and Mr Davis about the importance of forming a branch of the YMCA in Sydney … but owing to the excitement of the gold discoveries in 1850, 1851 and 1852, it was not until July 1853 that the movement was initiated. The first meeting had been held in his own house at the corner of Pitt and King Streets, and there it had been continued for some time. He had had the privilege of being the chairman of the first three or four meetings, and he had the honour of proposing that the father of their respected chairman [J R Fairfax] that evening should be the president.[133]

In 1894, he also presided at the formation of the YMCA in Parramatta and referred to the ‘many advantages that young men of the present

time enjoyed, as compared with young men of even half a century back’.[134] In Goold’s view, the role of the YMCA was in part a means by which young men could improve the quality and effectiveness of their lives. He drew a parallel between self-improvement organisations and the YMCA when, on the occasion of the Parramatta YMCA inauguration, he commented that in England he had been one of the first to join the ‘Mutual Improvement Associations’ organised by David Nasmith.[135]

Publishing

Samuel was involved with Rev John McGibbon and William Coulter in establishing and publishing the Protestant Standard which was said to be similar in character to the late Australian Protestant Banner. It was decided that when 1000 people had subscribed £1 for a year’s subscription that the proposed paper would be issued immediately.[136] Samuel was the publisher from its first issue in May 1869 but only continued to do so for 3 months until 21 August when W C Wearne became the publisher.[137] Under Goold, the Standard said that it

will advocate an enlightened and liberal policy in politics, and freedom from the trammels of Popery, the absurdities of Puseyism, and Ritualism, in Religion. In religious questions, the principles of the Scriptures will be exclusively inculcated. Denominationalism will be carefully avoided. The object of the Standard will be to maintain and extend the principles of “our common Protestantism,” that is, “our common Christianity,” without favour to any of the Churches or sects into which the community is divided. The Standard belongs to no Church, unless to the church which is made up of all the Evangelical Churches. It will not depart from the broad platform of the Evangelical religion of the New Testament.[138]

The banner under which the newspaper was published sent a clear message as to its Protestant and biblical stance:

In 1864, as part of other publishing ventures, Goold published an 80-page book called The Teeth and their Treatment in Health and Disease Popularly Explained by Hugh Paterson, a surgeon dentist of 344 George Street, Sydney.[139] He also jointly published Hughes’ Reading lessons in four volumes (Hogg and Co London, and S Goold, Sydney).[140] These appear to be Goold’s only publications.

Magistrate

Samuel’s introduction to the role of the courts was not an altogether happy experience. He was required to serve as a member of an inquest jury for the death of Mary Loftus, the former mistress of what would become St Catherine’s, Waverly. The jury gave a verdict of suicide[141] which was widely and publically criticised but defended by the jurors[142] as appropriate given the evidence they had before them; the verdict was later quashed by the Supreme Court.[143]

Samuel was appointed a ‘Justice of the Peace’ in August 1871[144] and served his turn in this honorary role on a weekly roster with other JP’s and the magistrate at the Water Police Court, Sydney, from August 1871 until around August 1875.[145] His reduced appearances in the Philip Street Court from 1875 was probably related to his move to Ermington. He served as a JP at Parramatta Police Court a few times from 1881-1889 and then from 1895-1896.[146]

Why was Samuel appointed to this position? Did he possess legal training or was he particularly informed on legal matters?[147] John Lowndes says:

It is important to note that the office of the justice of the peace was ‘entirely honorary and largely confined to members of the country landowning class.’ Justices of the peace were also laymen, possessing no more than ‘a smattering of legal knowledge’.

It appears that Goold was one who was rewarded with the role of JP not because of his legal knowledge but because of his position in colonial society at the time. The devotion of so much of his time to the work in the court in the period 1871-1875 could only have taken place if he were financially secure in this period.

Charities Commission

In April 1873,[148] Samuel was appointed to the Charities Commission whose brief was ‘to inquire into, and report upon, the working and management of the public charities of the colony’.[149] What qualities Samuel had that marked him out for such a role are unknown. His civic involvement and charitable activity, however, probably counted for less than his friendship with Henry Parkes who was at that time Colonial Secretary.

The Commission reported in September of 1873, and during its life, the Commission sat 86 times from two to five hours a day and occasionally for a whole day. For this work, Goold was paid three guineas for each attendance at a sitting of the Commission and he attended all 86 meetings. He dissented from the final report of the Commission, however, because he said

it is not in accordance with the impressions conveyed to my mind by the evidence, and because it is vague and inconclusive, and therefore of comparatively little value to her Majesty’s Government, and discreditable to the Commission, from whose investigations the Government and the public have a right to expect results of greater practical value.[150]

Samuel Goold’s life is a difficult one to categorise. He dabbled in many things but was widely appreciated and known in Congregational Church circles and within the temperance movement. He was supportive of the formation of the YMCA but played little ongoing role within it. His business life was not particularly impressive as a bookseller or publisher, but he did help stabilise the ministry of religious literature distribution in NSW. For a period, he gave good service, as an honorary magistrate and was sufficiently well regarded to be appointed to the Charities Commission. He was unsuccessful as a politician at the state level but campaigned successfully to achieve municipal status for Dundas. He arrived in the colony of NSW with little and though he ended his life in financial difficulty in the Rookwood Asylum he made a solid, if unspectacular, contribution to his adopted country.

Dr Paul F Cooper

Research Fellow, Christ College, Sydney

 

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The appropriate way to cite this article is as follows:

Paul F Cooper. Samuel Goold (1820-1899) Congregationalist, Bookseller and Temperance Advocate, July 17, 2017. Available at https://phinaucohi.wordpress.com/2017/07/17/samuel-goold-1820-1899-congregationalist-bookseller-and-temperance-advocate

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[1] Death Certificate Samuel Goold 5655/1899 NSW Births, Deaths and Marriages; Baptism of Samuel Goold April 16, 1820 Norton Lindsay, Warwick

[2] Marriage Certificate Samuel Goold/Patilina Morris 623/1867 NSW Births, Deaths and Marriages

[3] Jabez came to NSW in 1881 and from 1881-1887 was employed by Farmer and Co and also Anthony Hordens. In 1887 he commenced business as a draper.

[4] Marriage Certificate 5271702-1 Samuel Goold and Mary Ann Johnson, 18 May 1847. Rev Robert Wallace carried out the ceremony. Mary Ann was the daughter of Philip and Johnson. She died at Windsor. Empire (Sydney, NSW), June 9, 1866, 1. They were to have three children born, a daughter and a son Samuel died in infancy in Queensland (NSW Births, Deaths and Marriages Death Certificate Samuel Goold (1350 vol 34B); SMH, March 11, 1851, 3 and later a daughter Eliza (29 June 1852) who married Charles Mills a fruit grower. Bell’s Life in Sydney and Sporting Reviewer (Sydney, NSW), July 3, 1852, 3; Evening News (Sydney, NSW), May 27, 1879, 2; NSW Births, Deaths and Marriages Death Certificate Mary Ann Goold 7172/1866.

[5] Mary Ann Johnson Baptism 27 April 1821 St Botolph, Aldgate, London. She was born on 3 April 1821.

[6] Thomas Johnson, Funeral Sermon on occasion of the death of Mrs S Goold. (Sydney, 1866), 6.

[7] 1841 England Census lists Samuel and his brother Jabez with the occupation of “apprentice” and the house they both lived in was that of a draper. Jabez was later to conduct a drapery business in England and Sydney.

[8] E V Stevans, “Fortitude” Immigrants. 20 -23 https://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:210189/s18378366_1948_4_1_20.pdf [accesssed 2/6/2017] to add to the uncertainty the death certificate of his son Samuel lists his profession as a ‘teacher’.  Death Certificate Samuel Goold, 14 August 1849, South Brisbane. NSW Births, Deaths and Marriages 1350 Vol 34B.

[9] See Ancestry family tree for William Goold and Elizabeth Canning kgray165. This claim seems to be dependent on Samuel’s designation on the shipping list (E V Stevens paper) and on reports in the Morton Bay Newspapers of a ‘Mr Gould’ building the RC Chapel. The Moreton Bay Courier (Brisbane, Qld.), May 11, 1850, 3. Mr Gould also built the United Evangelical Church The Moreton Bay Courier (Brisbane, Qld.), October 5, 1850, 3 and the Brisbane School of Arts SMH, February 25, 1851, 2 and then he left the district. The Moreton Bay Courier (Brisbane, Qld.), January 10, 1852, 3.

[10] The Moreton Bay Courier (Brisbane, Qld.), January 27, 1849, 2. According the Diary by James Roper

(Held in the John Oxley Library, Brisbane) the passengers did not land to begin quarantine on Morton Island until 28 January 1849 and were not to be removed until 5 February. The Police Magistrate at Brisbane to the Surgeon Superintendent of the Emigrant Ship Fortitude respecting the removal to Brisbane of the Immigrants placed under Quarantine. Brisbane, 2 February 1849 (NSW Records and Archives Box 4/1028) from http://www.halenet.com.au/~jvbryant/fortlet1.html [accessed 11/2/2017. The problem with Mr Gould the builder being Samuel Goold is that the first reference to his connection to building the RC Chapel is before Samuel Goold was out of quarantine. SMH, January 31, 1849, 3. There are continued references to Gould the builder until at least February 25, 1851 when Samuel Goold is in Sydney.  It is clear that the ‘Mr Gould the builder’ and Samuel Goold are not the same person.

[11] Mr and Mrs Goold arrived in Sydney from Brisbane on September 3, 1849 on the Beaver. The Shipping Gazette and Sydney General Trade List (Sydney NSW), September 10, 1849, 228; The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (Maitland NSW), September 8, 1849, 2.

[12] DWA Baker, Days of Wrath – a life of John Dunmore Lang (Melbourne University Press, Melbourne: 1985), 262-267. Death Certificate Samuel Goold, 14 August 1849, South Brisbane. NSW Births, Deaths and Marriages 1350 Vol 34B. A daughter born in in early 1851 was to die, aged nine weeks, on March 10, 1851, 3.

[13] His marriage certificate lists his profession as that of a Missionary. Marriage Certificate 5271702-1 Samuel Goold and Mary Ann Johnson 18 May 1847. Minutes of the Committee of the City Mission in Connection with the Congregational Church, Pitt Street, Sydney, 10 October 1849. As quoted in WW Phillips Christianity and its Defence in New South Wales circa 1880 to 1890. (PhD Thesis ANU, 1969), 150; SMH, July 4, 1850, 3.

[14] SMH, August 20, 1851, 2.

[15] Empire (Sydney, NSW), July 21, 1852, 3.

[16] SMH, January 30, 1851, 2; July 17, 1851, 1.

[17] SMH, December 9, 1850, 3.

[18] SMH, May 16, 1850, 2; November 6, 1850, 3.

[19] SMH, January 30, 1851; March 15, 1851, 7. It would seem that the ‘depositary’ of both organisations were also prior to this date held at the same premises in King Street and that they co-located together. SMH, April 3, 1851, 3. The close co-operation of the two societies continued in the use of shared premises. Empire (Sydney, NSW), January 30, 1855, 4.

[20] SMH, January 30, 1851, 2; February 27, 1850, 2.

[21] SMH, July 1, 1854, 1; Empire (Sydney, NSW), January 30, 1855, 4.

[22] Empire (Sydney, NSW), September 14, 1854, 6.

[23] Empire (Sydney, NSW), January 30, 1855, 4.

[24] Empire (Sydney, NSW), April 28, 1855, 3; SMH, May 19, 1855, 5.

[25] SMH, November 1, 1859, 5.

[26] SMH, April 29, 1862, 5.

[27] SMH, September 1, 1859, 1; January 25, 1860, 7.

[28] SMH, March 21, 1860, 4; New South Wales Government Gazette (Sydney, NSW), March 27, 1863 [Issue No.55], 754.

[29] He last attended a meeting of Bourke Street Congregational Church Sunday school teachers in November 1864 which an indication that the move to Windsor was in the last months of 1864. Minutes Bourke Street Congregational Church Teachers Meeting November 7, 1864.

[30] NSW Births, Deaths and Marriages Death Certificate Mary Ann Goold 7172/1866.

[31] She died at Windsor on June 8, 1866.

[32] SMH, March 31, 1865, 8; May 11, 1865, 7.

[33] The Shoalhaven Telegraph (Nowra, NSW), April 12, 1899, 2.

[34] In 1869 when addressing electors in the Shoalhaven he indicated that he ‘was unshackled with business, and able to devote his time and energies to the interest of the electors and the advancement of New South Wales’. Furthermore, he indicated, he was opposed to the payment of parliamentarians. These statements seem to indicate that Goold had indeed retired and was financially comfortably off. Kiama Independent, and Shoalhaven Advertiser (Kiama, NSW), December 9, 1869, 2.

[35] NSW Births, Deaths and Marriages Marriage Certificate Samuel Goold and Patilina Morris 623/1867. In the 1889 Borough election his occupation is listed as ‘gentleman’ unlike others who like his son-in-law are described as ‘fruitgrowers’. The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), May 18, 1889, 8.

[36] Minutes Bourke Street Congregational Church Teachers Meeting July 3, 1866.

[37] Patilina was the daughter of William Burgess, a cotton merchant and Eliza Mollett and was born in 1814 in Manchester, England. NSW Births, Death and Marriages: Marriage Certificate Samuel Goold and Patilina Morris 623/1867. She married John Morris in Canada October 1, 1833 in Montreal. John had at that time at least 4 children John Rendell (b 1820), Eliza (b. 1824), Jane (b. 1828) and Sarah (b. 1832). John and Patilina arrived in NSW aboard the Spartan on 14 December 1836 with three children (presumably the three youngest). NSW Births, Death and Marriages Death Certificate John Morris 2286/1864; New South Wales, Australia, Unassisted Immigrant Passenger Lists, 1836, December Spartan.

[38] Empire (Sydney, NSW), June 10, 1864, 8.

[39] SMH, April 18, 1868, 12; March 2, 1865, 8.

[40] SMH, January 23, 1875, 16.

[41] It is not certain that the Goolds owned this property but the movement to and fro and their attempt to rent it is suggestive that they did own it.

[42] SMH, April 26, 1875, 5; July 20, 1876, 2.

[43] Evening News (Sydney, NSW), May 27, 1879, 2.

[44] SMH, March 12, 1881, 9; March 14, 1881, 2.

[45] SMH, April 21, 1886, 4; August 10, 1889, 15.

[46] SMH, September 23, 1886, 12.

[47] The sale was set for October 14, 1886. SMH, October 13, 1886, 13.

[48] Mills & Pile & Miller and Lewis. (1886). Broad Oaks, Parramatta River for auction sale on the ground, Saturday. Nov 20th 1886, 3.30 p.m. Retrieved April 30, 2017, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-230167968

[49] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), August 12, 1911, 6.

[50] Evening News (Sydney, NSW), July 27, 1889, 8.

[51] SMH, October 13, 1886, 13.

[52] SMH, August 10, 1889, 15.

[53] SMH, September 26, 1889, 6; The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (Maitland, NSW), April 30, 1889, 3.

[54] New South Wales Government Gazette (Sydney, NSW), September 17, 1889 [Issue No.482], 6519.

[55] New South Wales Government Gazette (Sydney, NSW), January 24, 1890 [Issue No.52], 725.

[56] SMH, March 6, 1890, 11.

[57] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), May 31, 1890, 7.

[58] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), February 21, 1891, 8.

[59] SMH, March 23, 1893, 2.

[60] The Shoalhaven Telegraph (Nowra, NSW), April 12, 1899, 2.

[61] NSW State Archives – Bankruptcy – J. C. Goold 01168; Rose Annie Goold 02257; Samuel Goold 1569.

[62] SMH, August 15, 1887, 4.

[63] SMH, April 5, 1889, 9.

[64] The Hand-in-Hand Permanent Investment and Building Society was formed in 1887 with Robert W J Harley as manager, Samuel Goold among others as a director and advertised itself as a well-managed, popular and non-speculative society. In April 1889, Samuel was appointed a Trustee and was no longer a director. The Society was offering 7% for 12 month deposit, 6% for 6 months, 5% return on money invested with the Society and 7 days. The money received was used to purchase land which was intended for subdivision and sale. They were the vendors, in November 1888 for the auction of a subdivision at Meadowbank and sold a subdivision at Nowra in the following year.  By August of 1889 it held no property and made its money through investing in mortgages which were paying a good margin so long as the economy was strong. In November 1889 was again selling land this time at Gladesville Heights which appears to have sold well with prices ranging from £3 12s 6d per foot to £1 3s per foot with terms of £5 deposit on fall of the hammer, with £2 and per month, the balance carrying 6%. The company was so prosperous that in February 1890 is paid a bonus to its fully paid up shareholder of 3% in addition to the 7% already paid for the half year.  In 1890 the company is selling land at Strathfield and purchasing land at Nowra. In February 1891 it declared the same bonus as in the previous year and did so again in for the following half year as things were still going well. By 1892 the bonus had been reduced to 9%. With the increasing depression mortgages were not being paid and the company was pursuing its creditors. By August 1893 the Society was running at a loss and unable to pay its usual dividend and by the following year creditors of the Society were seeking to have the Society wound up. SMH, August 15, 1887, 4; April 5, 1889, 9; September 11, 1888, 3; November 3, 1888, 19; August 7, 1889, 9; Balmain Observer and Western Suburbs Advertiser (Balmain NSW), August 17, 1889, 4; Evening News (Sydney, NSW), November 6, 1889, 8; December 2, 1889, 4; SMH, February 5, 1890, 10; The Australian Star (Sydney, NSW), July 12, 1890, 4; July 6, 1891, 6; Evening News (Sydney, NSW), August 4, 1892, 2; Australian Town and Country Journal (Sydney, NSW), February 18, 1893, 16; SMH, August 11, 1893, 6; Freeman’s Journal (Sydney, NSW), June 9, 1894, 9.

[65] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), January 13, 1894, 1.

[66] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), December 18, 1897, 12.

[67] Evening News (Sydney, NSW), April 11, 1899, 2.

[68] “Truth was a newspaper published in Sydney, Australia. It was founded in August 1890 by William Nicholas Willis and its first editor was Adolphus Taylor. In 1891 it claimed to be “The organ of radical democracy and Australian National Independence” and advocated “a republican Commonwealth created by the will of the whole people”, but from its early days it was mainly a scandal sheet.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Truth_(Sydney_newspaper) [accessed 14/5/2017] Its claims perhaps need to be understood in the light of the above assessment.

[69] John Bartlett, Bartlett’s Familiar Quotations (14^th Edition) Edited Emily Morison Beck (Little, Brown and Company: Boston, Toronto, 1968, 593.

[70] Truth (Sydney, NSW), April 16, 1899, 2.

[71] The Rev Henry Gainford was the son of Rev Thomas Gainford of Bethel Mission to Seaman. Henry was educated at Camden College, Sydney and served at Parramatta 1893-1896, Balmain 1896-1904; Hindmarsh square Church South Australia 1904-1910; Carlton Church, Victoria 1911-1917 and Brisbane,, Queensland 1917-1934. He died on September 25, 1935. SMH, September, September 30, 1935, 8.

[72] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), April 12, 1899. 1.

[73] SH Cox, Seventy years, 1855-1925 : being an outline of the history of the Bourke Street Congregational Church, Sydney, New South Wales, (Sydney: 1925) 8; Sydney Mail (Sydney, NSW), October 26, 1867, 5.

[74] SMH, October 21, 1869, 3; Sydney Mail (Sydney, NSW), October 24, 1874, 519. Samuel was received as a member of the Woollahra Congregational Church (Point Piper Road) on 30 December 1868. Minutes of Woollahra Congregational Church 30 June 1868. Miss Goold was received as a member on 28 December 1872. Minutes of Woollahra Congregational Church 28 December 1872.

[75] Australian Town and Country Journal (Sydney, NSW), October 28, 1876, 21. The Goolds, requested letters of transfer from Woollahra to Parramatta Congregational Church in April 1875. Minutes of Woollahra Congregational Church 26 April 1875. They had, however, transferred to Parramatta earlier in January 1874 but then returned to Woollahra Congregational Church shortly after. Woollahra Congregational Church Roll, 1874, 1875.

[76] Bourke Street (1866-1867); Woollahra (Point Piper Rd) in 1869, 1871-74; Parramatta 1875-1887. He may well have represented these congregations for longer periods but after 1887 the newspapers ceased to record the membership of the Annual Congregational Union meetings.

[77]Sydney Mail (Sydney NSW), December 20, 1862, 2; SMH, June 12, 1863, 2.

[78] SMH, December 4, 1864, 6.

[79] SMH, June 22, 1883, 3.

[80] Cox, Sydney Herbert, Seventy years, 1855-1925: being an outline of the history of the Bourke Street Congregational Church, Sydney, New South Wales, 1925, 10.

[81] Empire (Sydney, NSW), May 15, 1862, 5.

[82] Sydney Mail (Sydney, NSW), August 13, 1870, 14. For a history of the Church see The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), October 26, 1938, 30.

[83] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), March 21, 1891, 2.

[84] The Sydney Mail and New South Wales Advertiser (Sydney, NSW), August 26, 1876, 269.

[85] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), September 8, 1900, 10.

[86] SMH, September 7, 1888, 4.

[87] SMH, July 8, 1862, 4.

[88] SMH, July 8, 1862, 4.

[89] SMH, May 27, 1857, 1.

[90]  Empire (Sydney, NSW), May 20, 1857, 1.

[91]  Empire (Sydney, NSW), July 24, 1857, 5.

[92] Empire (Sydney, NSW), February 25, 1861, 1.

[93] SMH, June 22, 1860, 8.

[94] Sydney Mail (Sydney, NSW), December 15, 1866, 6. Originally the body was called the NSW Political Association for the Suppression of Drunkenness. SMH, March 7, 1867, 5; February 19, 1868, 1. The Rev Samuel C Kent was the president.

[95] Evening News (Sydney, NSW), July 20, 1872, 3.

[96] SMH, March 7, 1867, 5.

[97] Kiama Independent, and Shoalhaven Advertiser (Kiama, NSW), March 14, 1867, 2.

[98] Sydney Mail (Sydney, NSW), June 1, 1867, 6.

[99] The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (Maitland, NSW), November 16, 1867, 2.

[100] SMH, December 10, 1866, 1.

[101] SMH, March 7, 1868, 7. The attempted assignation of the Duke means this did not eventuate.

[102] ‘Taylor, William (1821–1902)’, Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography, Australian National University, http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/taylor-william-4695/text7777, published first in hardcopy 1976, [accessed 25 May 2017].

[103] The Protestant Standard (Sydney, NSW), June 19, 1869, 1; SMH, August 14, 1869, 1.

[104] SMH, August 21, 1869, 6.

[105] SMH, August 21, 1869, 6.

[106] SMH, April 26, 1870, 3.

[107]  SMH, July 22, 1872, 1.

[108] Gundagai Times and Tumut, Adelong and Murrumbidgee District Advertiser (Gundagai, NSW), August 3, 1872, 4.

[109] SMH, April 26, 1875, 5.

[110] SMH, April 5, 1876, 9.

[111] The Kiama Independent, and Shoalhaven Advertiser (Kiama, NSW), February 10, 1870, 2. For a copy of The Sons of Temperance Rules and Constitution  see http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/114893

[112] Empire (Sydney, NSW), April 5, 1871, 2. Early in 1870, he came from Sydney to the Illawarra for an installation at the Sons of Temperance Shoalhaven Division (Crystal Spring No. 61) for their second celebration, and participated in the installation of their office bearers being referred to as Samuel Goold DGC [Deputy Grand Conductor]’. The Kiama Independent, and Shoalhaven Advertiser (Kiama, NSW), April 6, 1871, 2. and later in 1871 he visited Milton as DGWP. Goold was a representative of, No 1 Grand Division, an office which appears to be of greater status/responsivity than he had previously held, for another installation. The Kiama Independent, and Shoalhaven Advertiser (Kiama, NSW), July 13, 1871, 3. The Kiama Independent, and Shoalhaven Advertiser (Kiama, NSW), February 10, 1870, 2. For a copy of The Sons of Temperance Rules and Constitution  see http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/114893

[113] Empire (Sydney, NSW), November 17, 1873, 2; December 1, 1873, 3.

[114] His last temperance engagement seems to be a meeting of the NSW Alliance for the Suppression of Intemperance in October 1873. SMH, October 17, 1873, 1.

[115] Australian Town and Country Journal (Sydney, NSW), May 1, 1875, 10.

[116] SMH, May 20, 1897, 7.

[117]  The Kiama Independent, and Shoalhaven Advertiser (Kiama NSW), December 2, 1869, 3.

[118] SMH, February 23, 1872, 4.

[119] Empire (Sydney, NSW), December 16, 1869, 2.

[120] SMH, February 16, 1872, 5.

[121]The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), February 2, 1889, 4.

[122] SMH, October 8, 1869, 3.

[123] Kiama Independent, and Shoalhaven Advertiser (Kiama, NSW), December 9, 1869, 2.

[124] New South Wales Government Gazette (Sydney, NSW), February 11, 1870, [Issue No.31], 338; February 21, 1873, [Issue No.42], 572.

[125] His name appears first on the petition signed by 161 persons seeking the formation of a municipality to be called the Borough of Dundas The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), September 29, 1888, 5.

[126] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), April 20, 1889, 6.

[127] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), May 4, 1889, 5.

[128]The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), April 27, 1889, 5; March 2, 1889, 6.

[129] SMH, May 20, 1889, 6.

[130] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), May 25, 1889, 8.

[131] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), July 6, 1895, 8.

[132] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), April 4, 1896, 4.

[133] SMH, June 12, 1894, 7.

[134] The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), September 29, 1894, 3.

[135] Nasmith was also spelt Naismith. The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), September 29, 1894, 3. As Nasmith formed the Young Men’s Society for Religious Improvement in Glasgow on 13 February 1824 when Samuel was 4 years old and as Samuel did not grow up in Glasgow the statement that ‘he had been one of the first’ is somewhat suspect. Young Men’s Magazine, Vol 1, 4, April 1837, 63. If, however, as may be the case, Samuel was referring to Nasmith’s work in London it is quite possible that he was ‘one of the first ’as Nasmith formed, with two others, the London City Mission on 16 May 1835 and an associated group the British and Foreign Young Men’s Society. After his resignation from the LCM in 1837 he formed missions in Cambridge, Ely and Birmingham and many other centres often with associated Young Men’s Societies. It could well have been at Birmingham that Samuel became involved as Samuel in 1841 was still living in the area.  John Campbell, Memoirs of David Nasmith: his labours and travels in Great Britain, France, the United States, and Canada (John Snow: London, 1844), 310, 333.

[136] Empire (Sydney, NSW), March 27, 1869, 1.

[137] The Protestant Standard (Sydney, NSW), May 15, 1869, 1; August 28, 1869, 1.

[138] The Protestant Standard (Sydney, NSW), May 15, 1869, 1.

[139] Empire (Sydney, NSW), April 6, 1864, 1.

[140] Empire (Sydney, NSW), January 14, 1863, 8.

[141] SMH, December 17, 1861, 8.

[142] SMH, December 17, 1861, 8.

[143] SMH, April 12, 1862, 5.

[144] NSW Police Gazette, August 31, 1871, 203; New South Wales Government Gazette (Sydney, NSW), August 1, 1871 [Issue No.190], 1670.

[145] SMH, August 7, 1871, 2; August 9, 1875, 2.

[146] Evening News (Sydney, NSW), November 8, 1881, 5; SMH, October 25, 1887, 4. He does not appear between February 1889 and January 1895 during which time he is bankrupt. SMH, February 21, 1889, 4: January 1, 1895, 2;   and his last appearance is in 1896; The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW), December 12, 1896, 4.

[147] John Lowndes, ‘The Australian Magistracy: From Justices of the Peace to Judges and Beyond – Part I’ (2000) 74 Australian Law Journal quoting “Early Development of the Queensland Magistracy” a paper by the Honourable Mr Justice B.H. McPherson C.B.E. presented to Conference of Magistrates held at Brisbane June 1990, 2. http://jca.asn.au/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/LowndesPaper.pdf [accessed 15/2/2017]

[148] SMH, April 11, 1873, 3; New South Wales Government Gazette (Sydney, NSW), April 10, 1873 [Issue No.88], 1073.

[149] Empire (Sydney, NSW), September 20, 1873, 2.

[150] Empire (Sydney, NSW), September 20, 1873, 2.