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William Townley Pinhey (1820-1895) and the Benevolent Society of the Blues

In 1796, William Townley Pinhey (1781-1856) was apprenticed for seven years for the sum of £8 to his uncle and London grocer John Wilkes Hill.[1]  Pinhey was the son of William Pinhey (1745-1789) a linen draper and his wife Mary Townley (1758-1838). That the apprenticeship fee was paid for by the treasurer of Christ’s Hospital, London, meant that William Townley had been educated at Christ’s Hospital which, despite the name, was actually a school and not a medical facility. At the time of its foundation the term ‘hospital’ meant ‘a place of refuge’. By the allocation of bursaries, Christ’s Hospital enabled boys from poor families to receive an education that would equip them for commercial or Naval service; girls also attended.

On 1 October 1805, after completion of his apprenticeship, Pinhey enlisted in the Royal Marines as a Second Lieutenant in the Woolwich Division. He joined H.M.S. Lion (64-guns) on 8 January 1806 and served his entire active service career aboard this ship. He was promoted to Lieutenant on 25 September 1809 and was First Lieutenant of Marines aboard the Lion at the capture of Java on 25 August 1811.[2] Pinhey was placed on half pay on 1 April 1817[3] and remained so at least until 1840.[4] He was awarded the Naval general service medal with Java clasp.[5]

On 20 May 1819, he married Ann Hobbs (1787-1821), and on 27 March 1820 at Shoreham, Sussex, Ann gave birth to a son who was named ‘William Townley Pinhey’ after his father (hereafter called Willliam and his father called William Snr).[6] Ann died one year later and William Snr married Mary Ann Kenny; between 1823 and 1829 she gave birth to four children. After his discharge from the Navy William Snr practiced as a surgeon so it appears that this was his role in the Navy.[7]

William Townley Pinhey

Just as William Snr attended Christ’s Hospital, so did William and he did so until he was fourteen.[8] It was intended that he, like his father, should join the Navy and in order to decide if this was the best career choice, William took a sea voyage upon the “Henry Porcher”, a convict transport bound for Sydney.[9] The captain, John Hart, was a relation of the Pinhey family. William disliked the sea voyage so much that he refused to return to England and elected to stay in the colony of New South Wales.[10]

William and Employment

Arriving in Sydney in January 1835 and having a good educational background, William was able to secure employment. He vacillated between the trade of a druggist (pharmacist)/grocer[11] and that of a lawyer. This duality of interest would later equip him for a significant medical/legal role that he played in the colony of New South Wales. Initially, he was employed by Ambrose Foss who had established himself as a druggist and grocer. In the nineteenth century, the grocery trade and the apothecary’s provision of medicine were closely linked.  Fifteen months later, he was employed by George Allen, a solicitor. Shortly after this, Pinhey returned to pharmacy duties until 1841 when he once more worked for Allen and remained in his employment for four more years.[12]

William Townley Pinhey

In March 1845, William abandoned his law studies and fixed his attention on commencing business as a chemist and druggist in West Maitland.[13] He appears to have been in business by himself but in 1849, William Lipscomb and Pinhey, who both served the Maitland community as Druggists, together petitioned the government not to introduce a Medical Profession bill which proposed, among other things, to regulate the work of ‘Chymists and Druggists’ in a certain manner.[14]

The Board shall have power to examine and grant a certificate to any person desirous of carrying on the business of an apothecary, or chemist, or druggist, if they shall be satisfied that he has served an apprenticeship of at least five years to an apothecary, or chemist, or druggist, and that he is proficient in the art of preparing and compounding drugs and chemicals.[15]

The Board shall have power to examine and grant a certificate to any person desirous of carrying on the business of an apothecary, or chemist, or druggist, if they shall be satisfied that he has served an apprenticeship of at least five years to an apothecary, or chemist, or druggist, and that he is proficient in the art of preparing and compounding drugs and chemicals.[15]

The objections lodged by Lipscomb and Pinhey were probably about this provision and understandably so. As the newspaper of the time commented:

From the wording of this section it appears to us that its object is retrospective as well as prospective, that all the apothecaries, chemists, and druggists, now in practice and business are to be subjected to an examination of proficiency as well as those who shall hereafter be desirous of obtaining the required certificate.[16]

While such regulation is entirely reasonable to the modern ear, in the colonial situation, with limited access to medical and medicinal services and education, it was somewhat more problematic. The critique of the bill by the newspaper pointed out the problem.

That the Board will have the power to grant or withhold such certificate, and that such of our respectable chemists and druggists who are advanced in years, who have been long in business and who have enjoyed, in the manipulation and compounding of medicines, the confidence of the public, will have to place themselves in a position by which their profession or business may be destroyed by the certificate being withheld.[17]

 The suggested solution lay as it so often did, said the newspaper, in what course of action was followed in the licensing arrangements for apothecaries in England:

As the rights and privileges of the apothecaries who were in actual practice in England were duly recognised at the period of the passing of the Apothecaries’ Act in 1815, so in the case of the apothecaries, chemists, and druggists, in New South Wales, those in actual practice or business, should, without examination, be recognised as duly qualified, and receive their certificate from the proposed Medical Board.[18]

The bill was eventually withdrawn and a NSW Medical Registration Act for doctors would not appear until 1855[19] and not for the registration of Chemists and Druggists until 1876.[20]

The attitude of the public at the time to both the medical and medicinal practitioners was perhaps captured by an article in a newspaper of the day headed ‘Physicians and Apothecaries – A Hint for the Committee on the Medical Profession Bill.’

A very healthy old gentleman was once  asked in a mixed company what physician and  apothecary he employed, in reference to the unusual vigor and healthfulness of his appearance; he answered, “I have, in my earlier days,  expended a considerable fortune in the purchase  of health, and in the continual search after professional skill and integrity, I have found it in  combinations as various as its professors are  numerous, but I have in no case found myself so  honestly served, or so completely satisfied, as  with those I have employed the last twenty  years; for during that time a horse has been  my physician, an ass my apothecary.”[21]

In July 1850, Pinhey announced that he had purchased the ‘Wholesale and Retail Drug and Chemical establishment’ of the late William Alder in Parramatta street Sydney, and that he had sold the stock of his West Maitland shop to Dr McCarthy.[22] Pinhey worked closely with the medical profession and probably lived at Dr F McKellar’s when he first arrived in the colony,[23] but he did not always get on well with doctors. On one occasion, Pinhey ‘dispensed an eye lotion for a leading medical man, and the latter finding fault with it, Mr Pinhey immediately challenged him to a duel with pistols. The medico apologized, and the matter dropped’.[24] This feisty nature was seen on another occasion when he assisted in the arrest of Patrick M’Namara, an escaped prisoner who was wanted for the murder of his wife. M’Namara had escaped from gaol in Maitland and was walking past Pinhey’s shop in Sydney and Pinhey recognized him, followed him, engaged him in conversation, and called a constable. M’Namara was arrested, tried and found guilty and hung. The Government had offered a £50 reward for assistance in the recapture of M’Namara and Pinhey donated his share of the reward of £25 to the Maitland hospital.[25] Pinhey subsequently remained in largely uneventful business in Parramatta street until he sold the business to Charles William Penny in 1857,[26] having purchased the business and stock of the drug and chemical importer PF Morgan at 112 Pitt street[27] from which Pinhey retired in 1877.[28]

Just prior to his retirement, Pinhey was a founder and prime mover and first president of the Pharmaceutical Society of New South Wales which sought to lift the standards within the profession. As the second president remarked ‘I cannot help envying Mr Pinhey the position he had held as the first President of the Pharmaceutical Society of New South Wales. As his name will be handed down for all time with such a memorable matter.’[29] Pinhey held this post for two years before being appointed secretary of the society, a role he held up to the time of his death.[30]

JP and Coroner

Pinhey was appointed a Justice of the Peace (JP) in July 1864[31] and, as often as once a week, sat as a magistrate in the Police Court. There was a roster for JPs to attend the court and it was drawn up in accord with the days that each person indicated they were available.[32]  In May 1865, for instance, Pinhey sat six times on the 2nd, 9th, 13th, 16th, 23rd and 30th. This was obviously very time consuming and suggests that his business was running well. In 1866, due to the ill health of the Coroner, Pinhey was offered the position of acting Coroner, but he declined the position.[33]  When the Coroner was not available Pinhey carried out magisterial inquiries into the circumstances of various deaths.[34] In November 1880, and again in 1882 and 1885, he was appointed ‘acting’ Coroner due to the Coroner being on leave.[35] In 1889, he was appointed Emergency Coroner of the Metro Police District shortly after the role was re-designated as Deputy Coroner[36] and he was Deputy Coroner from then until his death.

Marriage and Family

In Sydney on 18 March 1843, he married Mary Bell Thomas (1821-1872) and six children were born to them: Ann Hobbs (1844-1849),[37] Charles Hart Townley (1845-1912), William Hamnett (1848-1948), Mary Bell (1850-1913), John Edmund (1852-1927)[38] and Emily Mary (1854-1938).[39] On 2 November 1872 William’s wife died and a few years later, on 11 September 1875, he was married a second time to Mary Elizabeth Bingle (1825-1897).[40]


Pinhey took an active part in the affairs of the Anglican churches where he resided. He was a churchwarden of St Mary’s Maitland 1846-1850,[41] a churchwarden of Christ Church St Laurence 1856-59[42] where he remained an active member, and then probably attended St John’s Glebe after the opening of the new church building.[43]  In 1858, he was the secretary of ‘The Churchwardens Meeting’ whose main aim was to ‘take measures to bring about the speedy assembling of a Synod of the diocese’.[44] He supported the construction St Andrews Cathedral Sydney with a £ 5-5-0 donation,[45] and the Bishop of Newcastle’s fund for a boat to assist in the evangelism of the Pacific Islands.[46]

Community Involvement

Pinhey was involved in his local community first at Maitland and then at Glebe. Despite needing to establish himself in business in Maitland, he gave time to and took a leading role, as Hon Secretary in anti-transportation meetings in the Hunter;[47] in presenting a petition to Government about the need for a Wallis’s Creek bridge;[48] he was also an organizer of the Maitland Union Benefit Society[49] and Hon Secretary for a ball at the “Waterloo Inn”.[50]

Pinhey was an alderman on Glebe Council in 1861-70 and 1873-75. He first stood for election as Glebe Councillor in 1859 but was last in the election recording very few votes.[51] On a number of occasions, he was called upon to be chairman of public meetings in Glebe on important issues. In 1867, Pinhey argued that the ‘effluvia which arose from the Swamp (Blackwattle) was at times intolerable giving rise to miasmatic and other fevers and placing Glebe in an unenviable position in mortality tables of the Statistical register’. He urged the government to reclaim the swamp.[52]  He was also Hon Treasurer of the Glebe Road Repair Committee;[53] Hon Treasurer of the Glebe School of Arts Building Fund;[54] and founding member of the Glebe Cricket Club.[55]

Pinhey and Christ’s Hospital

Pinhey attended Christ’s Hospital in London and it is most likely that his father did as well. It obviously made a great impression on Pinhey, so much so that when his firstborn son Charles Hart Townley (1845-1912) was six, he sent him back to England, unaccompanied, to be enrolled in the school (1852-1862).[56] Charles was later to become Registrar General in NSW so it certainly gave him a good education.

Christ’s Hospital[57]

In 1552, the young King Edward VI responded to an impassioned sermon about the needs of London’s poor, and summoned the preacher Nicholas Ridley, the Bishop of London, to talk more about this pressing situation. It was suggested that Edward write to the Lord Mayor of London, to set in motion charitable measures to help the poor.

Consequently, Christ’s Hospital was founded in the old buildings vacated by the Grey Friars in Newgate Street, London, and provided food, clothing, lodging and learning for fatherless children and other poor men’s children. The children were not only cared for but prepared for future careers. Money for such reform was raised by the City of London and the Church; businesses and householders in London were asked for donations. Governors were elected to serve the school and in November 1552, Christ’s Hospital opened its doors to 380 boys and girls. Within a year, the number had increased to over 500. King Edward VI became patron and founder and a Royal Charter was signed to this effect by Edward, just eleven days before his death in 1553.

The great majority of children were educated in the Writing School for a position in commerce or trade, leaving when aged 15. The few who stayed on beyond the age of 15 studied either in the Grammar School for University or, from its foundation in 1673, in the Royal Mathematical School for service at sea.

Christ’s Hospital lost 32 children in the Great Plague of 1665, but did not lose any children to the Great Fire in 1666, although most of the buildings were burned down. The rebuilding of the school in London after the Great Fire was completed in 1705.  A second major rebuilding took place from 1793 to 1836, including a Grammar School completed in 1793, a new Great Hall in 1829, Grammar and Mathematical Schools in 1834 and the cloisters, known as the Grecians Cloister, in 1836.

Today, the majority of the students receive bursaries which stems from its founding charter as a charitable school. School fees are paid on a means-tested basis, with substantial subsidies paid by the school or their benefactors, so that pupils from all walks of life are able to have private education that would otherwise be beyond the means of their parents.

The school uniform, in place since 1553, consists of a black cap, belted and long blue coats, knee-breeches, yellow socks, and white bands at the neck. The colours were chosen for very practical reasons: blue was the colour of a cheap dye often used for the clothing of servants and apprentices, while yellow was believed to discourage lice.[58] Because of their distinctive dress, the school is also known as the “Blue coat school” and this nickname comes from the blue coats worn by the students. Christ’s Hospital moved from the City of London to Horsham in 1902 and is now situated in 1,200 acres of Sussex countryside. Currently, the school has over 820 boarding pupils with an equal number of boys and girls, and also takes day pupils.

While reflecting on ‘Christ’s Hospital’ in 1866, the Sydney Morning Herald accurately noted that:

Although nominally a charity and intended to provide a good education for the children of persons who were too poor to fulfil this part of their parental duty, Christ’s Hospital has become rather aristocratic than otherwise. Its scholars are for the most part so situated as to have friends ready and willing to push them on in after life and the very fact of their having been educated at this institution is in itself a great recommendation. But among the great numbers of “Blues” who are turned out year after year, to take part in the battle of life there are necessarily very many who fall into distress.[59]

To relieve these distressed brethren the “Benevolent Society of Blues” was formed in Sydney.

Benevolent Society of Blues

The announcement below appeared in the Sydney Morning Herald on 22 July 1845:[60]

Ten years passed before this suggestion became a reality when Pinhey chaired a meeting to establish the Benevolent Society of Blues.[61] It was to be conducted along the lines of its parent London-based organization, begun in 1823 to assist ‘crugs’ (those who had been educated at Christ’s Hospital) or their families  who had fallen on hard times.[62] Pinhey was initially appointed treasurer[63] and by 1856, could report that the funds had flourished especially since there had been no call on them.[64] By 1858, the group was meeting twice yearly, reminiscing and dealing with any emergent business such as seeking registration under the Friendly Societies Act and finishing off the night with a good dinner. £235 had been accumulated and £55 had been lent to needy Blues. During that year, Pinhey also had become president, an office he retained until 1880.[65] The limited scope and purpose of the Benovolent Society of Blues was seen in Pinhey’s report in 1860:

Your committee in presenting this, their 6th report, have much cause to congratulate you upon their not having been called upon to relieve a single distressed Blue during the past year, and more so, as you all know in common with ourselves, that the colony, and we may say the metropolis in particular, has passed through a commercial crisis,- perhaps never equalled in New South Wales.[66]

High hopes were expressed for the future of the society.

He (Mr. Pinhey) would express a sincere hope that many gentlemen who had been educated at Christ’s Hospital, and who, scattered about this colony, might not be aware of the inauguration of this Society of Blues, might come forward with helping hands, and assist the early founders in the full establishment of what it was believed would be one of the permanent institutions of the colony. (Cheers).[67]

Pinhey’s hopes were not to be realized as the society soon entered the doldrums. In 1867, there were few calls for support and there was £354 in their bank account.[68] Little mention was made of the charity in the 1870s and by 1879, Pinhey was seeking to restart the organization.[69]

By early 1880, the Society had been reorganized[70] with an attempt made to include other colonies and to arrest falling interest, but the dynamism was gone. Despite Pinhey, one of its most enthusiastic supporters and one who had ‘devoted every energy in assisting, both in person and purse’,[71] resuming the role of President in 1885,[72] the society disappeared from public view. While it continued to exist at least into the early 1890s it had virtually no public profile.[73]

Was the Benevolent Society of Blues a failure in New South Wales? It is certainly true that it never reached the established nature, public support and usefulness of its parent in London. There appears to not have been any significant call on its funds as, even in difficult times, NSW Blues were, perhaps due to their social status, largely unaffected and did not call for financial assistance. In a major article on the Charity in the Sydney Mail 1866, it was suggested that:

… perhaps the way in which this society is most useful is to provide a brotherly reception for such ‘Blues’ as come to seek their fortune in this new land, and a watchful care of any members of their families who may be left in need of that care. A friendly introduction to business men is often of far greater value to a new comer than any pecuniary assistance would be. The latter would probably be but temporary at best, while the former will most likely place him in a position to earn a respectable livelihood.[74]

William Townley Pinhey died at 128 Glebe Road, Glebe, on 27 October 1895, aged 75 years.[75] He left an estate of £1,503 sworn for probate purposes.[76] In his lifetime, he had proved a very useful citizen of New South Wales and a Blue who was a worthy graduate of Christ’s Hospital and whose privileged education proved a blessing to himself, his family and his adopted home.

Paul F Cooper

Research Fellow Christ College, Sydney

The appropriate way to cite this article is as follows:

Paul F Cooper. William Townley Pinhey (1820-1895) and the Benevolent Society of the Blues Philanthropy and Philanthropists in Australian Colonial History, 20 January 2023, available at

[1] He was married to Mary Elizabeth Pinhey.

[2] He is listed as a Lieutenant not as a Surgeon. The Invasion of Java in 1811 was a successful British amphibious operation against the Dutch East Indian island of Java that took place between August and September 1811 during the Napoleonic Wars.

[3] A list of the officers of His Majesty’s Royal Marine Forces, on full and half-pay: with an index by Great Britain. Admiralty Publication date 1831, 38.

[4] List of The Officers of the Army and Royal Marines 1840, 358. He practised medicine in Poplar, Leyton and New Shoreham, Sussex. He died in Brighton on 16 December 1856. He was awarded the Naval general service medal with Java clasp. William Pinhey Maitland Apothecary

[5] William Pinhey Maitland Apothecary

[6] That father and son have the same name has led to a good deal of confusion in the various accounts of William T Jnr. Hopefully a confusion this paper avoids.

[7] SMH, 14 May 1859, 4.; 1851 England Census he is listed as a ‘ half pay naval officer’ In all extant Naval listings he is always designated by his rank of Lieutenant and never as a surgeon and similarly in family newspaper notices .

[8] The Sydney Mail and New South Wales Advertiser (NSW), 9 November 1895, 961.

[9] The “Henry Porcher” left Sheerness on 1 September 1834 and arrived in Sydney on 2 January 1835. The Sydney Monitor (NSW), 3 January 1835, 2.

[10] The Pharmaceutical Era  Volume XV, January to June 1896, Ed Charles W Parsons, January 30 1896, 156; The Sydney Mail and New South Wales Advertiser (NSW), 9 November 1895, 961.

[11] His family in England had significant grocery connections.

[12] Sydney Herald, 23 April 1842, 3.

[13] The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 15 March 1845, 1.

[14] New South Wales Legislative Council 1824-1856 The Select Committies Compiled by R F Doust, 208

[15] SMH, 24 July 1849, 2.

[16] SMH, 24 July 1849, 2.

[17] SMH, 24 July 1849, 2.

[18] SMH, 24 July 1849, 2.

[19] The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 24 October 1849, 4.

[20] New South Wales Government Gazette (Sydney, NSW), 28 January 1890 [Issue No.59 (SUPPLEMENT)], 899.

[21] Bell’s Life in Sydney and Sporting Reviewer (NSW), 20 October 1849, 4.

[22] The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 24 July 1850, 1.

[23] The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser (NSW), 12 March 1840, 2; The Colonist (Sydney, NSW), 20 May 1840, 3.

[24] The Pharmaceutical Era  Volume XV, January to June 1896, Ed Charles W Parsons, January 30 1896, 156

[25] Bathurst Free Press and Mining Journal (NSW), 20 December 1851, 5; The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 31 March 1852, 2.

[26] SMH, 19 Sep 1857, 1.

[27] Empire (Sydney, NSW), 10 November 1857, 7; SMH, 10 November 1857, 1.

[28] The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 10 July 1850, 3; The Sydney Mail and New South Wales Advertiser (NSW), 9 November 1895, 961.

[29] SMH, 14 June 1879, 6; 7 June 1876, 5; The Sydney Mail and New South Wales Advertiser, (24 Jun 1876, 818.

[30] The Pharmaceutical Era  Volume XV, January to June 1896, Ed Charles W Parsons, January 30 1896, 156

[31] SMH, 28 July 1864, 2.

[32] Sydney Mail (NSW), 16 December 1865, 2.

[33] Sydney Mail (NSW), 2 June 1866, 2.

[34] The difference between the Coroner’s and magistrate inquiry is that a Coronial inquiry requires a jury of 12 whereas the magisterial only requires the magistrate.

[35] SMH, 19 November 1880, 5; 15 December 1880, 5; New South Wales Government Gazette (Sydney, NSW), 4 July 1882 [Issue No.267], 3531; 11 Nov 1885 [Issue No.533],  7229.

[36] New South Wales Government Gazette (Sydney, NSW: 1832 – 1900), 10 May 1889 [Issue No.255], 3440; 30 September 1889, xiv.

[37] She died of scarlatina aged 5 years and 8 months. The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 19 September 1849, 3.

[38] Mary Pinhey returned to West Maitland for the birth.

[39] Emily was born at Glebe.

[40] He knew the family from his time in West Maitland. The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 3 January 1849, 2.

[41] The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 18 April 1846, 2; 7 October 1846, 1; 10 April 1847, 2; 11 April 1849, 2;3 April 1850, 2.

[42] Empire (Sydney, NSW), 27 March 1856, 4; SMH, 26 October 1858, 1.

[43] Sydney Mail (NSW), 18 April 1863, 3; 24 April 1869, 11.. He was at Synod 1869 representing Glebe.

[44] SMH, 22 July 1858, 1.

[45] SMH, 22 October 1853, 6.

[46] SMH, 8 March 1851, 1.

[47] The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 21 March 1849, 4.

[48] The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 14 July 1849, 2.

[49] The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 30 January 1847, 2.

[50] The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 11 April 1846, 3.

[51] SMH, 1 September 1859, 5. 


[53] SMH, 21 April 1857, 8.

[54] Empire (Sydney, NSW), 12 November 1859, 1.

[55] SMH, 24 September 1864, 4.

[56] Australian Town and Country Journal (Sydney, NSW), 19 April 1890, 32; 19 April 1890, 32; The Shipping Gazette and Sydney General Trade List (NSW), 24 April 1852, 110.  On board was Charles Mallard, RN his wife and two daughters Frances aged 15 and Harriet aged 10. There is no known family connection but a possible naval one. Master Pinhey was possible ‘adopted’ by the Mallard’s for the time of the journey.

[57] The information on Christ’s Hospital is in debt to


[59] SMH, 17 September 1866, 6.

[60] SMH, 22 July 1845, 1.

[61] SMH, 3 April 1855, 5.

[62] SMH, 5 April 1855, 5.

[63] Empire (Sydney, NSW), 3 May 1855, 5.

[64] SMH, 27 October 1856, 8.

[65] Illawarra Mercury (Wollongong, NSW), 18 Oct 1858, 3; SMH, 25 October 1858, 5; The Sydney Daily Telegraph, 14 October 1880, 3; Evening News (Sydney, NSW), 28 October 1885.

[66] Empire (Sydney, NSW), 13 October 1860, 5. 

[67]  Empire (Sydney, NSW), 2 June 1863, 5.

[68] The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW), 15 January 1867, 3.

[69]  SMH, 10 October 1879, 1.

[70]  Evening News (Sydney, NSW), 8 January 1880, 3.

[71]  Empire (Sydney, NSW), 2 June 1863, 5.

[72] The Sydney Daily Telegraph (NSW), 14 October 1880, 3; Evening News (Sydney, NSW), 28 October 1885, 6.

[73] SMH, January 1894, 8.

[74]  Sydney Mail (NSW), 15 September 1866, 3.



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